94(364) 94(37)”-00/01” IVAN RADMAN-LIVAJA ANTLER ROUNDEL PENDANTS FROM SISCIA Abstract: hree antler roundel pendants have been found during the dredging of the Kupa river in Sisak before WWI. We may assume that these antler pendants belong to the Roman period, and the time of their use could likely be further narrowed to a time-frame ranging from the late 1st century BC to the 2nd century AD, since similar inds were never recorded among the Pannonian Celts nor the people we usually consider as Pannonian Illyrians. Antler pendants were only one of the many categories of amulets, talismans and good look charms worn by inhabitants of the Roman Empire but such pendants are mostly to be found in north-western provinces of the Roman Empire, settled mainly by people of Celtic descent. heir popularity in those provinces is hardly surprising since their use could conciliate both ancestral Celtic traditions and religious beliefs imported by Italic and Mediterranean settlers. In view of the fact that natives from western Pannonia do not seem to have been likely bearers of such amulets, we must turn our attention to more probable users. Admittedly, the antler pendants found in the Kupa river can hardly be considered as unequivocal proof of the presence of Gauls and western Celts in Siscia, but there is no much doubt that a large number of auxiliaries and camp followers resided in Siscia during the Julio-Claudian period, and quite a few must have been of Gaulish descent, especially among auxiliary troopers. I would thus presume that such amulets in Siscia could have been worn by people originating from the western part of the Empire, most likely from Gaul or the Rhine provinces, where such pendants had a long tradition and seem to have been widespread among the autochthonous population. Key words: Antler pendants, horse harness, Siscia, Roman army, auxiliaries, Celtic traditions. Over a decade ago, when I was working on the Roman militaria inds from Siscia, I spent weeks and months in the storage rooms of the Zagreb Archaeological Museum, but despite all my eforts, one can still ind artefacts there related to the Roman army and its personnel. Some simply escaped my attention, while in certain cases, such as in the case of these three antler pendants, I deliberately chose not to include them in the catalogue. One might argue that they are not necessarily to be interpreted as militaria and - being perhaps overcautious - I decided to omit them. Nevertheless, I did not forget them and I have been thinking about publishing them eventually. he occasion presented itself when my colleague M. Vujović graciously ofered me the opportunity to write a paper in honour of the late Professor Aleksandar Jovanović. ANTE PORTAM AUREAM, STUDIA IN HONOREM PROFESSORIS ALEKSANDAR JOVANOVIĆ 141 Ivan Radman-Livaja Roman antler roundel pendants are far from being unknown in professional literature. In the 1950s many short articles were devoted to them by French archaeologists (cf. Hatt 1955, 55-59; Jofroy 1955, 64-66; Roes 1955, 249-252; Parruzot 1955, 252-254; Roes 1956, 57-63; Lebel 1956, 140-143) and such inds from Gaul have been studied more or less thoroughly ever since (cf. Béal 1983, 277f; 1983 bis, 369-386; Alonso 2006, 197-220). hey are documented on Roman sites outside of Gaul as well, especially in the north-western provinces of the Empire, quite oten on military sites on the limes (cf. Curle 1911, T. 84. 14; Walke 1965, 155, T. 111. 39; Ulbert 1969, 51, T. 45. 1-2, T. 60. 3-4; Unz 1971, 51, Abb. 7. 66-67; Bíró 1994, 65, cat. 848, T. LXXXIV; Unz, Deschler-Erb 1997, 42-43, 63, T. 60. 1663-1674, T. 85. 2440; Mikler 1997, 20-21, T. 9-12; Deschler-Erb 1998, 86-87, 168-170, T. 37-38. 3963-3969; Gostenčnik 2005, 272-279), and in the last twenty years several synthetic articles have dealt with such pendants (Hottentot, van Lith 1990, 186-206; Greep 1994, 79-97; Gostenčnik 1999, 81-97; 2005, 273-274.). As far as Gaul is concerned, their exceptional longevity in the archaeological record has to be emphasised: such artefacts are encountered from the La Tène period to Merovingian times, although they were most widespread during the Gallo-Roman period, when they are recorded in graves, settlements and houses, as well as in sanctuaries (Alonso 2007, 206-209, 211-212). Analogous antler pendants have been recorded in La Tène period graves in Germany, especially in the Rhine region (cf. Mikler 1997, 20, note 15 and the selected bibliography; Gostenčnik 1999, 8283). It is thus more than likely that their use originated in the Celtic world, or at least in the La Tène cultural area[1]. As already pointed out, their use can be traced to the early Middle Ages in the western provinces, i.e. in the same area where they must have originated. Although they deinitely follow deined patterns and have well established variants, as S. Greep pointed out, most of them do not appear to be the result of industrial manufacture but rather products of many, more or less skilled individuals, not necessarily cratsmen (Greep 1994, 81). his is probably linked to their perceived role: it is widely assumed that such antler roundels had a prophylactic role as amulets or talismans: they could have been worn as pendants or even sewn into garments, some likely belonged to horse harness decoration while others could have been decorative elements ixed to diferent items or even to the wall surface (Greep 1994, 85-86; Gostenčnik 2005, 276-277). Considering the intimate ties between the bearer and such objects, based on their symbolism, an elaborate workmanship was likely not deemed absolutely necessary since the presumed “power” of the amulet was in no way linked to the level of cratsmanship. As a matter of fact, it probably would not be too far-fetched to assume that some of the bearers of such antler pendants made them themselves, despite not being professional cratsmen. heir manufacture is basically very simple, since the crown has only to be sawn from the main beam of a naturally shed deer antler. Decoration obviously demands further skill, but antler roundel pendants do not seem to occur regularly among inds of recorded workshop material, either uninished, partially inished or broken[2]. his might imply that they were not commonly produced in specialised workshops. Nevertheless, some certainly show traces of skilled workmanship and we may assume that the more sophisticated and decorated variants were likely produced in workshops, or at least by proicient bone cratsmen. [1] As far as distribution is concerned, cf. Greep 1994, Fig. 2, Fig. 3; Mikler 1997, Karte 5. [2] Such inds do exist but are seldom encountered, cf. Gostenčnik 1999, 92, Abb. 3; Gostenčnik 2005, 277, T. 73,2; Some inds from Moesia Superior have been interpreted as uninished artefacts, but I would be more inclined to consider them as pendants analogous to the material presented in this paper and not semi-inished workshop material. his assumption should nevertheless remain a matter of discussion and the hypothesis advanced by S. Petković is not to be necessarily discarded, cf. Petković 1995, 56, T. LII, 1-2. 142 ANTLER ROUNDEL PENDANTS FROM SISCIA To summarize, they were not perceived as decorative objects but as talismans. Both Celts and people of the ancient Mediterranean feared omnipresent malevolent forces and constantly looked for ways to avoid their wrath and prevent any harm they might inlict upon humans. Both archaeology and classical sources show that the use of amulets and good luck charms was widespread and commonly acknowledged as a sensible means of ensuring protection against ubiquitous evil (cf. Hottentot, van Lith 1990, 186-187; Greep 1994, 82-86; Mikler 1997, 20-22; Deschler-Erb 1998, 85-87, 168-170; Gostenčnik 1999, 82-88; 2005, 273-277). Obviously, antler pendants were only one of the many categories of amulets, talismans and good luck charms worn by inhabitants of the Roman Empire, and their exact protective role and symbolism, as it is oten the case with such objects, are open to discussion. Nevertheless, researchers do generally agree about their most obvious prophylactic aspects. As Pliny the Elder points out, stag’s horns were believed to have healing properties (Historia Naturalis VIII, XLIX, 112-119), and he is not the only ancient author who emphasises the curative properties of stag’s horns (cf. DeschlerErb 1998, 86; Gostenčnik 1999, 84-85; 2005, 273-274). he distribution of such pendants in north-western provinces of the Roman Empire, settled mainly by people of Celtic descent, is probably not due to pure chance, considering the devotion given to the antlered god Cernunnos and his association with prosperity, fertility and virility (Greep 1994, 83; Deschler-Erb 1998, 86; Gostenčnik 1999, 85-87; 2005, 274). he last point is not to be underestimated since antler pendants are oten decorated with phallic symbols, although one has to remember that phallic symbolism had a strong prophylactic role in Roman eyes as well (Oldenstein 1976, 158-160; Hottentot, van Lith 1990, 186-187; Gostenčnik 2005, 278-279). Although the symbolism of such antler amulets must have been more powerful in the eyes of the population of Celtic descent, stags have their role in classical mythology as well and are animals with strong symbolic ties to Diana and more generally to forest and nature deities, such as Silvanus (Gostenčnik 1999, 84-87; 2005, 274). With links to the religious traditions of both worlds, the Mediterranean and the Celtic, the popularity of such pendants in Roman north-western provinces is hardly surprising since their use could conciliate both ancestral traditions and religious beliefs imported by Italic settlers. All three pendants from Sisak in the holdings of the Zagreb Archaeological Museum (Fig. 1-6) can be classiied as belonging to Greep’s type 2, i.e. antler roundel pendants with perforated central ields (Greep 1994, 80-81, Fig. 1). heir dimensions are as follows: - Inv. A-7229 (Fig. 1, Fig. 4) – diameter ca. 31 mm (hole diameter ca. 11 mm), iron ring diameter cca 33 mm - Inv. A-7279 (Fig. 2, Fig. 5) – diameter ca. 35 mm (hole diameter ca. 7 mm) - Inv. A-7344 (Fig. 3, Fig. 6) – diameter ca. 78 mm (hole diameter ca. 26 mm) Interestingly, one of the two smaller pendants still has the iron ring through which it was suspended (Fig. 1, Fig. 4), presumably to a horse harness, since such a suspension ring does not seem likely for a necklace or any kind of personal ornament. he large antler pendant, considering its size, could also have been part of a horse harness decoration (Fig. 3, Fig. 6). hree perforations are clearly visible close to the outer rim, and we may presume that these intentionally pierced small holes were used to suspend the pendant, although the exact method of suspension remains unclear, perhaps through wires or small rivets attached to a back surface. ANTE PORTAM AUREAM, STUDIA IN HONOREM PROFESSORIS ALEKSANDAR JOVANOVIĆ 143 Ivan Radman-Livaja Figure 1 and Figure 4 – Antler roundel pendant from Siscia (Archaeological Musem, Zagreb, Inv. A-7229) Figure 2 and Figure 5 – Antler roundel pendant from Siscia (Archaeological Museum, Zagreb, Inv. A-7279) Figure 3 and Figure 6 – Antler roundel pendant from Siscia (Archaeological Museum, Zagreb, Inv. A-7344) (Drawings by Asta Dvornik, photographs by Igor Krajcar) 144 ANTLER ROUNDEL PENDANTS FROM SISCIA he last pendant (Fig. 2, Fig. 5) is rather similar to the specimen with the preserved iron ring, and since there are no other perforations, besides the central hole, it was likely suspended in the same way as the previously described pendant. hese pendants were all found before the First World War during the dredging of the Kupa river in Sisak. Due to that fact, the archaeological context is quite lacking and the only certain thing is that they are somehow related either to protohistoric Segestica or Roman Siscia. However, the exact identity of people who might have used them - or lost them, or deliberately discarded them as a matter of fact - remains open to debate. he fact is that such artefacts do not seem to be recorded among prehistoric inds from that area. Neither the Pannonian Celts (such as the Taurisci, Varciani or Latobici), nor the people we usually consider as Pannonian Illyrians (such as the Colapiani, Breuci, Oseriates, etc.), let anything similar among the dated inds that can be attributed to dwellers of Pannonia in preRoman times. We may therefore assume that these antler pendants belong to the Roman period, and the time of their use could likely be further narrowed to a time-frame ranging from the late 1st century BC to the 2nd century AD (or the early 3rd century AD at the latest), according to analogous inds from the best known sites, both in Gaul and other western provinces (Greep 1994, 86; Deschler-Erb 1998, 168-170; Gostenčnik 1999, 88-91; Alonso 2007, 211-213). Since natives from that region, i.e. western Pannonia, do not seem to have been likely bearers of such amulets, we must look for other possibilities and turn our attention to more probable users. Considering all of this, I would presume that such amulets in Siscia could have been worn by people originating from the western part of the Empire, most likely from Gaul or the Rhine provinces, where such pendants had a long tradition and seem to have been widespread among the autochthonous population. his assumption is far from being unlikely since Siscia was an important garrison place during the Julio-Claudian period and as such became a permanent or temporary home to many newcomers from distant areas of the Roman Empire. Octavian, soon to become known as Augustus, let a sizeable garrison in Segestica already ater the successful siege of 35 BC - 25 cohorts according to Appian (App. Ill. 24) – and the Roman military presence there remained strong during his entire reign (cf. Radman-Livaja 2012, 161-171). Siscia (the name given by Romans to Segestica) was one of the main Roman strongholds in Illyricum due to its strategic position and every military campaign in the region depended on it. It was Tiberius’ major base during both the Bellum Pannonicum, from 13-12 to 9-8 BC (Flor. Epit. 2.24; Vell. 2.96; Mócsy 1962, 539-541; 1974, 34; Barkóczi 1980, 90-91; Šašel Kos 1986, 152-161; Nagy 1991, 64-84; Hoti 1992, 138-140; Gruen 1996, 174-175; Šašel-Kos 1997, 31-33; Domić Kunić 2006, 100-118; Šašel-Kos 2009, 181-182; Colombo 2010, 171-193; Dzino 2010, 112-136; Džino&Domić Kunić 2013, 162-170), and Bato’s uprising (Bellum Batonianum) from AD 6 to 9 (Dio 55.28-34; Vell. 2.110-116; Suet. Aug. 16, 25, Tib. 16, 20; Hirschfeld 1890, 351-362; Ritterling 1925, 1232-1236; Köstermann 1953, 345-378; Pavan 1955, 380; Pašalić 1956, 245-300; Mócsy 1962, 544-548; Wilkes 1969, 69-77; Mirković 1971, 12-13; Mócsy 1971, 43; 1974, 37-39; Šašel 1974, 733-734; Barkóczi 1980, 88-89; Šašel-Kos 1986, 178-191; Gruen 1996, 176-178; Dizdar, Radman-Livaja 2004, 44-45; Sordi 2004, 221-228; Seager 2005, 33-35; Šašel Kos 2009, 182-187; Dzino 2010, 137-155; RadmanLivaja, Dizdar 2010, 47-56; Radman-Livaja 2012, 165-166; Džino, Domić Kunić 2013, 170-179). here is no doubt that a military garrison was permanently deployed in Siscia in that period, and in times of crisis several legions would have been encamped there all together. hanks to Velleius Paterculus (Velleius Paterculus, 2.113.1-2), we know that in 7 AD the city witnessed the largest concentration of Roman military forces since the time of the Civil Wars, i.e. 10 legions, more than 70 auxiliary cohorts, 10 alae (or perhaps even 14, the igures difer depending on the manuscripts), more than 10,000 ANTE PORTAM AUREAM, STUDIA IN HONOREM PROFESSORIS ALEKSANDAR JOVANOVIĆ 145 Ivan Radman-Livaja mobilized veterans together with numerous volunteers, as well as a contingent of the allied hracian cavalry under their king Rhoemetalces. his would amount to at least 80,000 men, and perhaps even more than 100,000. Obviously, this was an exceptional situation, which did not last for long anyway, but the point is that during the Augustan period dozens of thousands of soldiers must have stayed in Siscia, even if only for a short period of time. Ater the quelling of Bato’s rebellion in 9 AD, the number of troops stationed in Illyricum was signiicantly reduced and most units were transferred either back to their previous garrisons or to areas where they were badly needed, like the Rhine frontier, endangered by Varus’ catastrophic defeat in 9 AD. Nevertheless, suicient forces remained in Illyricum, soon to be divided into two provinces, Dalmatia and Pannonia. hree legions were let in Pannonia, and Siscia was one of the legionary garrisons: most authors agree that the legio IX Hispana was stationed there from the time of Tiberius until its departure for Britain in 43 AD, when Siscia no longer had a legion camp (Ritterling 1925, 1647, 1665-1666; Mócsy 1959, 25; 1962, 613; Klemenc 1961, 8,10; Mócsy 1974, 43; Šašel 1974, 734-735; Fitz 1980, 131; Hoti 1992, 142; Keppie 2000, 26; Radman-Livaja 2010, 190; 2012, 169). Understandably, Pannonian legions were reinforced by auxiliary units as well. he legion stationed in Siscia was presumably garrisoned with one ala and two auxiliary cohorts, but their exact identity remains unknown (Lőrincz 2001, 57-58; Radman-Livaja 2012, 171). Even ater the departures of the legionaries, the city was still garrisoned by auxiliaries for several more decades – quite likely by the cohors XXXII voluntariorum civium Romanorum - until the Flavian period (Cichorius 1900, 356; Wagner 1938, 201; Krat 1951, 199; Mócsy 1962, 624;1974, 81; Holder 1980, 156; Lőrincz 2001, 44. 57-60; Radman-Livaja 2010, 190-193; 2012, 171). Besides thousands of soldiers (and their servants and slaves, whose presence should not be overlooked), a large garrison always attracted all kinds of individuals trying to make a living near military camps, in a more or less honest fashion, like cratsmen, grocers, peddlers, hucksters, slave traders, panderers and prostitutes, to name just a few. Obviously, the presence of the army guaranteed safety, and it did not take much time for wholesale traders and important merchants to send their employees there as well in order to organise and develop business in the newly conquered province. In consequence, there must have been a lot of immigrants settling in Siscia during the Augustan and Tiberian periods – and later as well - both military personnel and individuals somehow related to the army or independent settlers and professionals hoping to start a new life and career. Understandably, not all of them were Italians and a signiicant percentage of the garrisoning soldiers must have been auxiliaries of diverse origins. he presence of immigrants in Siscia during the 1st century AD – from northern Italy, Gaul, Spain, etc. - is not a mere presumption but a fact substantiated by epigraphic evidence, albeit scant (Mócsy 1959, 25-26; Radman-Livaja 2010bis, 544-546; 2014, 141-143; 2016, 174186). Gauls and people originating from the Rhine area were certainly present among them, and they could have been the ones who carried the antler pendants discovered in the Kupa river. As already pointed out, we do not know with any certainty which auxiliary units had been stationed in Siscia ater the fall of Segestica till Tiberian times, but the fact is that there must have been a lot of them. Considering the large number of auxiliary units raised in Gaul and the Rhine regions during the Augustan period, we can presume with a high level of certainty that quite a few of the units garrisoned in Siscia during 146 ANTLER ROUNDEL PENDANTS FROM SISCIA the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius were manned by western Celts[3]. Besides the soldiers themselves, some of the followers were likely of the same origin. Admittedly, the antler pendants found in the Kupa river can hardly be considered as unequivocal proof of the presence of Gauls and culturally related individuals in Siscia, but they are nevertheless a clue pointing to such a possibility. New epigraphic inds might hopefully bring more unambiguous data to substantiate this theory, but discoveries like these pendants - and testimonies such as those found on lead tags - provide a sound basis for the claim that immigrants from the western part of the Empire were among the settlers who built Roman Siscia. Ivan Radman-Livaja, Archaeological Museum, Zagreb [3] S. Deschler-Erb points out that that the gradual disappearance of such amulets in military forts from the 2nd century AD onwards could be linked to the steady decline of Celtic cultural inluences and traditions among auxiliary soldiers, especially troopers who were originally recruited in great numbers in Celtic areas (cf. Deschler-Erb 1998, 170). ANTE PORTAM AUREAM, STUDIA IN HONOREM PROFESSORIS ALEKSANDAR JOVANOVIĆ 147 Ivan Radman-Livaja Bibliography ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ 148 Alonso 2006 - E. 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